How Korean Activists Are Countering the Gender Backlash
How Korean Activists Are Countering the Gender Backlash
The Resistance Hub
Maryam Tahmasebi, Journalist at Traces&Dreams
It is hardly a secret that South Korea is one of the most advanced countries in the world in terms of industry, technology, and economy. The country ranked fourth among 139 countries in the 2025 Global Innovation Index (GII) and holds the top position globally in “human capital and research.” However, when it comes to gender equality, the situation is quite different. While South Korea ranks among the top 12 countries in the world in terms of UN human development indicators such as health, literacy rates, and reproductive health, it stands at a less impressive 101st place in the World Economic Forum’s indices for economic participation and political empowerment.
South Korea still struggles with the largest gender wage gap among developed countries, and women’s representation in senior management and parliament is below global standards. For example, in 2024 and 2025, only 17.5% of managerial positions in South Korea were filled by women, while the average in developed countries ranges between 30 and 40 percent. In fact, the country’s remarkable technological progress has not yet been able to fully remove traditional and structural barriers related to job opportunities and equal rights.

But where does this gender gap originate?
Significant legislative changes to promote gender equality, fight employment discrimination, and lessen gender-based violence were implemented in South Korea during the 1990s and 2000s. However, the country’s prospects for equality have become more complex in recent years due to political polarisation and the paralysis of legislative attempts.
One of the main drivers of this shift is a perceived sense of threat among young men (especially those in their 20s and 30s) regarding their position in a highly competitive society. They view gender equality efforts as undermining their own status. This divide reached its peak during the 2022 presidential election. Yoon Suk Yeol denied the existence of structural gender inequality and, by promising to abolish the “Ministry of Gender Equality and Family,” gained the support of 58% of young men and won the election. Since he took office, gender-focused programs have faced budget cuts, renaming, or cancellation.
Also, since 2007, South Korea has failed to pass a comprehensive law that would outlaw discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, race, age, and religion. Conservative religious groups and right-wing political figures have resisted such legislation, claiming it promotes “LGBTIQ+ propaganda.” Even liberal lawmakers, fearing electoral consequences, have refrained from firmly supporting the bill.
In 2019, South Korea’s Constitutional Court ruled to decriminalize abortion, which was a major victory for feminist movements. However, the failure to pass follow-up legislation has created a procedural gap. Applicants now face high costs, uneven access to services, and a lack of insurance coverage.
On the other hand, sex education programs in schools are heavily criticized for focusing on abstinence and excluding content related to sexual diversity and gender identities. Religious groups and some parents label any modernization of these programs as the promotion of “liberal” agendas.
There was also a strong #MeToo movement in South Korea, prompted by a female prosecutor’s public disclosure of workplace sexual harassment in the late 2010s. Shocking incidents like the “Nth Room” affair, in which sexually exploitative footage of women was sold on digital platforms for profit, also came to light during this time. Although public support for feminism increased as a result of these events, right-wing media responded by misrepresenting feminism as a “divisive” movement.

What have been the feminists’ strategies of resistance and resilience?
However, in response to these systematic setbacks, feminist movements in South Korea have pursued various strategies:
Direct resistance
This approach is all about actively confronting discriminatory policies and using legal mechanisms. Rather than retreating in the face of anti-feminist backlash, Korean activists engage in strategic litigation (targeted legal actions) to reclaim violated rights. For example, coalitions such as “Marriage for All Korea” (MAK) have filed legal cases seeking recognition of same-sex unions. Also, following the historic victory in decriminalizing abortion, direct resistance now continues through pressure on parliament to pass complementary laws ensuring universal access to healthcare services and insurance coverage.
Structural resilience
Another interesting part of activists’ strategy in South Korea is strengthening the internal capacity of the movement to build infrastructures that do not collapse under political pressure or government funding cuts. The main goal is to ensure that the feminist and queer ecosystem relies on its own collective power rather than unstable external structures. One of the most remarkable aspects of this strategy is the revival of an old cultural tradition called “Pumasi,” rooted in rural mutual aid and the exchange of labor during planting and harvest seasons. In its modern form, feminist organizations and civil society groups exchange resources and capacities instead of relying on expensive external contractors or conditional government funding.
Reframing narratives
Korean activists have realized that to gain public support, gender issues must be removed from partisan polarization and reframed as a fundamental pillar of democracy. For example:
- Linking women’s and LGBTIQ+ rights to universal human rights to avoid labels such as “foreign ideology.”
- Strategically using digital platforms to document violence (such as the Nth Room case) and turn them into public demands for structural change.
- Advocating for the modernization of the education system and replacing outdated sex education with comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) models based on scientific evidence and inclusivity.
Regional solidarity
This strategy is based on the idea that South Korea’s challenges are not isolated but part of a broader pattern in East Asia. Korean activists have built connections with similar movements in Japan to analyze structural similarities. Both countries face issues such as outdated family laws, significant inequality in corporate leadership, and religious resistance to anti-discrimination laws. This solidarity allows activists to share successful experiences, form a united front against regional conservatism, and use international mechanisms more effectively to pressure their governments.
An interesting aspect of South Korea’s resilience lies in its cultural roots of “labor exchange.” Centuries ago, people helped one another during planting and harvest seasons. Today, this legacy has been transferred to civil society organizations. Instead of hiring expensive experts, they exchange resources in areas such as research, advocacy, and the creation of safe spaces. Despite political pressure, the movement’s ecosystem has survived thanks to its community-based strategy.
*This analysis is derived from the “In It Together: Feminist Resilience Toolkit” published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation in December 2025.
